Off The Bench

FAM Congress: Redux

2010-07-28T18:39:00.001+08:00

As we count the days to the FAM elections that bear much significance to the short and medium term futures of Malaysian football, campaigning has taken an ugly turn. Dato’ Che Mat Jusoh, the current VP for FAM has launched a verbal tirade against his fellow candidates for the Deputy President posts in Utusan last week.

With incumbent YB Khairy Jamaluddin not defending his post, the howitzer has been rolled toward no other than current KAFA President Tan Sri Annuar Musa. But whilst criticism against opponents are what they are, it is especially sickening to see Che Mat taking credit for programs he had little to do with in his desperate attempt to win votes. Specifically, he went as far as claiming responsibility for the successes of Harimau Muda, which had nothing to do with him, as his portfolio was the Competitions Committee. The Committee is known to be in shambles over the past decade. State and Club teams are consistently infuriated with constant changes for games schedules to the point that some do not even know when the actual new local league season actually starts until far too close to the date.

Che Mat Jusoh will be contesting with long time friend and incumbent Dato' Sheikh Redzuan for the 2 Deputy posts. Both running mates are no new faces to local football and offer no real block busting changes or ideas. To add to the already volatile mix, YM Tengku Mahkota Abdullah has offered himself again for the DP post. Technically, the Crown Prince is a very astute and knowledgeable football administrator. His greatest feat was to professionalise the Malaysian game, and did so in the hardest of times when the big tobacco money was forced to pullout. For that, some credit must go to YM Tengku.

Other than onfield football results and development, one of the main KPIs of FAM football administrators have been sponsors. If you had to boil down the malaise of Malaysian football over the past decade or so to just one factor, it has to be the lack of money. For this, FAM needs marketable faces and those who can foster good relations with current and potential sponsors. Che Mat and Redzuan are clearly not capable to fulfil any of the KPIs listed.

Stories of FAM 'suits' sauntering football matches and related programmes adding no value whatsoever can be well described by the diabolical duo. With Dato’ Mokhtar Ahmad (Selangor FA), Tan Sri Annuar Musa (KAFA) offering themselves, it is unclear who YM Tengku Adullah would favour as his running mate. Nonetheless, recent developments show that Tan Sri Annuar Musa's Kelantan FA's rebuilding programme is quite hard to ignore. From the throes of defeat in FAM league playing semi pro and amateur teams, Kelantan are now 5 points behind leaders Selangor in the Super League.

Many speculated outgoing the Deputy President would not get any nominations, but this turned out to not be the case at all. Notable advances from Kelantan, Selangor, Melaka and Perlis were amongst the states that called on YB Khairy remain for another term. Khairy, however, was adamant that he wanted to focus on politics.

The determination to turn around the fortunes of Malaysian football undoubtedly is on all the candidates main agenda. However, noone can fully foretell the mood much less what is on the minds of the 38 delegates that will be casting their votes. What I’m pretty certain of is that the likes of Redzuan and Che Mat Jusoh should be riding into the sunset. Let’s see if the delegates agree.

Hishamuddin: Don't blame Umno Youth for Perkasa's popularity

2010-07-20T14:57:00.004+08:00

By Muzliza Mustafa, The Malay Mail

KUALA LUMPUR: The rising popularity of Malay rights group Pertubuhan Pribumi Perkasa Malaysia (Perkasa) should not be blamed on Umno Youth's incapability in championing the cause of the race.
Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Hishamuddin Hussein said the void can be created in many ways.

He was responding to Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah's comment in online news portal Malaysian Insider that Perkasa's popularity among Malays was due to the failure of Umno Youth's leadership in championing Malay rights.

“Do not blame Umno Youth, Umno, Puteri Umno or MCA on the void,” said Hishamuddin after officiating the 13th FBI National Academy Associates (FBINAA) Conference at a hotel near Mid Valley today.

He said at this time when many issues are being raised, the public should focus on filling up the void or counter it, and not blame any group for the growing popularity of Perkasa.

Tengku Razaleigh had, last Saturday, also said that current Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin’s ostensibly staunch support for party president Datuk Seri Najib Razak, was just a ploy to get a Cabinet position.

“There is a vacuum in Umno Youth, when it should be the spokesman for the Malays. But the present Umno Youth leadership does not articulate the Malay plight."

The Kelantan prince, popularly known as Ku Li, claimed that Umno Youth had lost its tenacity and vigour in championing the community, with the leaders engrossed in eyeing positions for themselves.

“This sounds very pathetic but they say he (Khairy) wants to become minister, so that’s why he has to support the prime minister, at least that’s what people say.

“The fact remains that Umno Youth used to question a lot of issues concerning the plight of Malays. That has always been the role of Umno Youth,” said Tengku Razaleigh.

The Gua Musang MP noted that the current mood in the party made it timely for Perkasa to recruit more disgruntled Umno members.

Outspoken Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali started Perkasa as a one-man pressure group for Malay rights. It now has branches and divisions in every state in Malaysia.

There was also claim that Perkasa has 200,000 members. Out of these numbers, 80 per cent are from Umno.

Tengku Razaleigh also claimed that Umno branch meetings were not attended by their Youth and Puteri wings, to the point where meetings could not make quorum.

Argentina vs Mexico

2010-07-19T23:26:00.004+08:00

by Dax Muhamad

The stage was set, the con was on. Two tickets to the promised land. It was my honeymoon, we were going to Argentina, and my mind was (partly), on football. We had seats for the Libertadores Cup match between River Plate and Petrolero FC Bolivia. A far cry from the dirty war of the Falklands, greasy Argies, Gotcha and all that jazz; this was Buenos Aires.

As the Chorizo sausages were chucked into the air, the infamous Los Borrachos del Tablón, River Plate barra bravas had landed into the pit of El Monumental. I asked a Peruvian by name of Pedro, who had traveled to watch Ariel Ortega play out his last years, who are the Los Borrachos. “This is sons Argentinas” (‘The sons of Argentina’), “the resident hooligans of River Plei”. In the shock and awe – they coordinated the drums and sang a song which I made out to be, “La Boca, Puto Madres” (‘Boca, your mom’s a whore’ – Boca weren’t even the opponents!) – the Los Borrachos were getting the boys on the bottom tier to pull a flag of a white skull with red smoke coming from its eyes, the size of the El Monumental carpark.

Pedro insisted the Los Borrachos are the meanest, baddest, most politically organized barra bravas in South America. I was skeptical of Pedro’s fearsome adjectives, until:

– they started lobbing rocks and bottles to the bottom tier to force those down there to straighten up the ‘skull flag’;

– they told the River Plate players (who did a lap of victory after winning 6-1) to not come close until they brought back the Copa Libertadores;

– raided the Budweiser sponsorship tent and made a barbecue on top of some Boca fan’s car.

The closest I ever came to such bravado (read: legitimised madness) was on a train going from Reading to Waterloo to watch Arsenal play Alan Shearer’s Southampton. It was filled with the fans of Millwall, Leyton Orient, West Ham, Spurs, Chelsea (the real Chelsea that is, not the Russian oil-funded Chelski of today) – and the ensuing staring match had everyone describing how they would do each other favours with a friend called Stanley (a pocket knife).

The Gunners’ – whose fans usually are kids or old age pensioners – were naturally silent; we couldn’t ‘compete’ on the train but we knew Alan Smith, Paul Merson, Tony Adams et al wouldn’t let us down on the pitch. This edgy, tribalistic phenomenon taught me a lot about passion and confrontation – the replication of which I would later be aware of in everyday Malaysian experience, especially in our politics.

Raw and uncouth as these instances of football fandom were, they remain an authentic expression of how people can rally around something seemingly as inanely subjective as a football team, with such fanaticism and belief as to produce a force far greater than the sum of the individuals. The fervour, the default propensity towards vandalism, the ancillary mob-culture – it was all quite undoubtedly communal, as it was fiercely personal. This was at once the creation and sustenance of the “Us” and conversely the demonizing of the “Them”. Beneath all the fireworks, physical or not, literal or not, this was 21st century tribal romantics in action.

Roll on Malaysia Cup Final 2009, Kelantan vs Negri Sembilan, where fans of my home team Kelantan – which has a similar reputation of going crackers – were bouncing off the walls even three hours before kickoff. Instead of Chorizo sausage and special brew, they started off with Asar prayers. These boys were ready to march into battle. Even the Green Street elite of West Ham or the Bushwackas of Millwall would have stood aside – for these were the Kelantan Gedebes. These were Kelantan’s ‘finest’ – and I say that of course with a healthy dose of irony – all the way from Pasir Puteh, Kuala Krai and Pangkalan Chepa. Proceedings started off with our own barbecue of seats in the Bukit Jalil stadium. My gaffer, Khairy Jamaluddin, who was sitting with the Negeri Sembilan fans branded this behaviour as disgusting and philistine. Maybe so, but I wonder if he would’ve said the same had Negeri Sembilan been on the receiving end of a 3-1 scoreline.

My eyes teared not from the loss but rather from the choke of smoke. We wanted more. The cars draped with Negeri Sembilan flags were fair game. Though I was never part of this, I never stopped my kinsmen. I couldn’t, even if I wanted to!

On the flipside, there are the ‘fanboys’. And they don’t come anymore shameless than two of my best friends – the Man Utd-loving Zuhri Aziz and Aqliff Shane (Sabah descent). When they visited Old Trafford, not only did they steal blades of grass from the pitch and shove it down their size 42-inch pants, they also squandered their children’s trust fund on superstore purchases. Their idols were Eric Le King, Posh n Becks and Ruud Van Destroyer. Ask them about Kevin Moran, Norman Whiteside and Martin Buchan, they thought these were clothing brands sold in BHS (British Home Stores – equivalent to our Globe Silk Store).

Yet sat in the crowd in a Champions League match versus Roma, they broke into tears and hollered along to supporter songs like “Country road, take me home, to the place I belong”. If there is any lesson from this, it is that we may not have a great national team. But shoulder-to-shoulder, Malaysian fans are just as noisy, fanatical, hardcore, knowledgeable (sans Zuhri and Shane) as any football fan or barra brava in the world.

With these thoughts I sat with them and watched Mexico’s miserable display against Argentina. We nervously bit our nails every time Messi ran with possession. For every goal they put past Mexico, we knew the Germans were frothing with anticipation in the next round too.

We were every bit the England, Argentina, Brazil fan, although we don’t look like any Cockney, Scouser, Brummie or Geordie and won’t ever sing God Save the Queen. This may appear flimsy to some, but our support for The Three Lions is as genuine as any white man in a Middle England pub with a pack of Bensons. And anybody who knows me or my colleagues would testify that it wasn’t some misguided postcolonial melancholia by any measure.

Later after the matches, we comforted ourselves on social media – on that night Twitter became our diary. It wasn’t about sharing thoughts as much as it was our need to articulate a narrative that made Argentina’s progress felt genuinely ours. Perhaps this essay is part of that need too. Certainly our local fans and fanboys should be given a shot at the big time. For I too, am a world class fanboy. We (Malaysia) clearly don’t have a national side to be proud of at the moment, but I sincerely believe we are a footballing nation.

Taken from http://mataharibooks.com/gol/dax/argentina-vs-mexico/

PAS Passed It?

2010-06-01T01:20:00.002+08:00

The deafening silence of PAS leaders over the last weeks and months point to a simmering discontent underneath the calm sur-face (pun intended) portrayed by its ulama leaders.

With the threat of a change of government in Kedah ever-present, PAS seems to busy scrambling to keep its house in order, ensuring its elected representatives remain loyal to the party – bai’ah and all. All this while its partners in the Pakatan Rakyat coalition carry on with loftier goals, commenting on anything and everything national.

It is no secret that PAS is for all intents and purposes the smallest partner in Pakatan, due in no small part to the fact that much of its rank and file are most uncomfortable with the unholy alliance with Anwar Ibrahim’s PKR and DAP.

So it should come as no surprise that as the straws pile up on the camel’s back, PAS is struggling to decide what its next course of action is, nevermind the cracks between the Pakatan partners. Hence the silence. Conspiracy theorists would say something’s cooking, but I think more likely than not nothing is because they simply cannot deal with the ingredients they’ve been served with.

Only months ago Selangor PAS Commissioner Datuk Dr Hasan Ali was making the headlines daily with his attacks on the Selangor state government. We hear not a whimper from him these days, presumably being given more than a slap on the wrist to toe the increasingly impossible line of Pakatan unity.

Deputy President Ustaz Nasharuddin Mat Isa seems to have never recovered from the bashing he received from spiritual head Tuan Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat for his overtures with UMNO. Again, not a whimper. We’ve had plenty of issues to discuss in this country for the past year and the Deputy President of a major party – the second largest in Malaysia in terms of membership – has not figured in any of them.

Not that the President, Tuan Guru Haji Haji Awang has fared much better. Anwar Ibrahim, in a recent interview, promised that he would appoint a DAP leader to the post of Deputy Prime Minister II if he ever became premiere. No mention of the PAS President being ‘given’ any Cabinet position. And of course, silence on the part of the latter.

PAS, if it knows what’s good for itself, must seriously examine its position in Pakatan urgently. The party has a core base of voters but even they cannot continue to stand by a party that is lethargic, silent and almost anonymous on all the major issues facing Malaysia. The people need leaders, and for the past year, PAS has not been even in the mainframe, nevermind leading.

A great case in point is the dwindling support of the youth vote for PAS. It once had the Malay youth vote on virtual lockdown, but since the Manek Urai by election it has lost them slowly. PAS was almost non-present during the subsequent by elections of Bagan Pinang and Hulu Selangor, resulting in the not surprising consequence of loss of support.

PAS has always been closer to UMNO both in terms of its ideology and modus operandi. Whilst PAS is slipping away into relative obscurity, UMNO has taken a leaf from the old PAS book – going from strength to strength with non stop community programs and outreach, from the Pentas Pemuda UMNO ceramah sessions around the country to sports programs like the year long local football leagues, to Pemuda Prihatin programs focusing on welfare of the grassroots, as well as more refreshing ventures such as the BN Youth Lab.

And ultimately that is what Malaysian and especially Malay politics boils down to. Engagement and touch with the community. PAS was once famous for that. Not anymore.

New UMNO and New Media

2010-04-13T12:25:00.002+08:00

The Malaysian political cyberspace used to be dominated, in presence, by pro-opposition writers and commenters. It is hardly the case anymore, but BN – consisting mostly of UMNO – bloggers are still not making the right waves to win the battle.

It is quite likely that there are far more pro-UMNO blogs than there are pro-Pakatan. Mushrooming after the 12th General Elections where Internet media proved to be a crucial factor in the poor showing by Barisan Nasional, these blogs become mouthpieces of the party and provide a platform for otherwise localized and low-level members of the party to step up to the national stage. But theirs is a story akin to a large mob going into a war with the wrong weapons, wrong strategy, wrong trickery and an appalling understanding of what the terrain demands.

We all know how important blogs and Internet chatter are, especially in Malaysia where mainstream media is viewed with as much credibility and independence from Authority as a Roman Town Crier. Whilst broadband penetration still leaves much to be desired, many middle class, young professionals, students - many of whom have Internet access – also influence their family members when they return to their hometowns to vote. Hence, the importance of winning the cyber war.

Specifically, pro-UMNO blogs – and perhaps most forms of communications media from UMNO, the Prime Minister’s proclamations excluded – send out the wrong message and go about it in such a way that drive voters away, rather than attract them.

What makes this most frustrating is the fact that the Prime Minister who is also UMNO President has set about a very good and bankable message. Actions notwithstanding, the PM is saying all the right things and appearing calm, steady and winning over Malaysians with his style and demeanor that suggest he knows what he is doing. The truth is that many Malaysians, indeed many humans, vote very much based on perception and what appears to be the case – not necessarily what actually is. But UMNO is failing to replicate this message in cyberspace; in fact in many cases they appear to be completely ignoring it. Herein lies a major failing.

The principal UMNO message today is 1Malaysia, and an inclusive UMNO as outlined by the Prime Minister during the last UMNO General Assembly. All party mouthpieces should make an effort to appropriate this national(ist) agenda and move away from the obsession with cheap,
sensationalist putdowns coupled with unbridled chest-thumping general remarks about the Malay agenda. These may put give a perverted sense of satisfaction as you go to bed – no better feeling than after baking a case on why Anwar is undoubtedly a Jew-agent – but do nothing to win over the undecideds. And not for nothing, polls show that most undecided voters are Malays.

Instead, they must fall in line and repeat the message of unity and acceptance endowed within the spirit of 1Malaysia, as well as embrace the challenge for Malay achievement and success so apparent in the New Economic Model. The party rank and file can no longer play this devilish part of vowing support to the PM’s reform agenda whilst acting the precise opposite. After all, isn’t this new approach of moderation, acceptance, respect, co-existence and humility not so new after all? Aren’t these the very values that Malays often pride themselves with when they say “Melayu bangsa yang bersopan-santun dan beradab” despite often showcasing little of the above? When the people cried for UMNO to change, it was more than simply a change in leadership or image; it was also a change in the party message itself. The most affable salesman of defected goods is still a salesman of defected goods.

Party message aside, UMNO bloggers need to understand that cyberspace is not a place where you simply spew out your message without tact, taste or facts. With politics, the target audience should never be the political players on either side of the fence. Whilst the topics and engagements will often be with the opposition, the judge is always the people whose yardstick is always outside the partisan bubble in which these skirmishes occur. Thus, it is not about putdowns or embarrassing the opponent; much less is it about persuading him that he is wrong because that would be most futile. Instead, it is about convincing the neutral audience with facts, persuasion and keeping them interested with witty intelligence. The most accomplished performer – because politics is everywhere an art – will tell you to respect your audience in order to gain theirs.

Sadly, few of the appointed mouthpieces in UMNO are doing a good enough job engaging the fence-sitters with the right message (although we already have it!) and right approach. The party’s information chiefs and point-men, both in cyber space and in traditional media, do not appear to understand what this new political climate asks of them. And they better overcome that first obstacle of denial quickly, if we are to stand a chance at winning the young votes come next GE. Win the GE we still might, but are we paradoxically about to do it by setting a pattern that will guarantee future losses as newer, post-Merdeka generations rapidly replace older ones? Ponder. And weep.

Of Rockets and Brylcreem Guan Eng

2010-02-06T15:01:00.000+08:00

The attacks against The Chief Minister of Pulau Pinang, Lim Guan Eng roll in. The most recent and damaging of all is Nibong Tebal MP (PKR) Tan Tee Beng's lashing out at Guan Eng and DAP's 'vengeful politics' of no class. What initially seemed as an act of throwing support behind a party colleague, Bayan Baru MP Datuk Zahrain Mohamed Hashim who had some choice words of his own for Guan Eng - 'chauvinist', 'communist' and 'dictator' - Tee Beng's offensive against Guan Eng has taken a life of its own.

Indeed, this is only the latest of a string of incidents where Pakatan Rakyat appears to be faltering in Selangor and Pulau Pinang. But what makes these latest attacks all the more shocking is the details which were shared by two Pakatan Rakyat MPs - Tee Beng and Datuk Zahrain - of how dirty DAP's politics is and how far the PKR leadership is willing to bend over backwards to accommodate DAP's ways. If previously, actual content of criticisms were scarce, in this latest round we the rakyat receive some clear insight into understanding why Guan Eng is so unpopular not only with the Malays, but also with non-DAP Chinese.

The theme has always been the same, whether in the Ngah Ngeh duo in Perak or the Guan Eng Jeff Ooi partnership in Pulau Penang - the complaint is that DAP bullies its partners in Pakatan Rakyat. It is interesting that we never hear of this complaint when it comes to PAS or PKR; whatever their failings are they do not seem to act in a way that suggests mistrust or selfishness in this fledgling Opposition coalition.

Tee Beng, a PKR member who is not at all a fan of BN, tells us that PKR MPs in Pulau Pinang get no allocation whatsoever from the DAP leadership! He goes on to expose that all the allocations given out by the state is being portrayed as being given by the DAP, and that PKR has to beg for positions in Penang Water Supply Corporation (PBA), Penang Development Corporation (PDA) and investPenang. Does Tee Beng have an axe to grind? Sure he does. Guan Eng rejected Tee Beng nomination by PKR to become a PBA director simply because of the latter's history of criticising the former. What's that again? Meritocracy? Freedom of expression without persecution? Accountability? Pssh.

But most instructive is the revelation of DAP's grand strategy - to further racialise Malaysian politics by trying its best to make PKR into a Malay-based party at all levels. DAP knows the danger of having a genuinely multiracial PKR, one which will be a far bigger threat to DAP than to PAS. After all, in many ways, PKR and DAP occupy the same space with their rhetoric of reforms, accountability, and anti-corruption - all of which are of course, noble ideals, but the point is that if PKR can attract the younger generation of all races who subscribe to those ideals, and also the Chinese voters against BN, then DAP ceases to be relevant. PAS can always rely on its quite sizeable base - the conservative, pseudo-Islamists in both urban and rural areas, but DAP cannot. And worse, DAP knows it can never be more than a Chinese-based party, nor is it interested in becoming one. So what do they do? They go after PKR Chinese, marginalising and disarming them so that PKR will be seen as an Anwar-Azmin gig - UMNO rejects who will not struggle for say, Chinese education in a way that someone like Tee Beng or Tian Chua would.

Tee Beng has said he would quit PKR if need be, but that's also not the point. BN doesn't really a need defections in Parliament - 2/3 majority is only useful as a psychological weapon when it is won during elections. The point is that Tee Beng and Zahrain are doing Malaysians all a favour by exposing us to the true colours of DAP - as chauvinistic, racist and conniving as they claim BN to be.

UMNO Youth: The Way Forward

2009-11-30T01:59:00.002+08:00

The new-gen young Malays are thirsty for political movements that can appeal to both their intellect and interests. The changes to UMNO’s party constitution may have pleased many on the inside, but broad-based reforms in activities and outreach are required before UMNO can truly claim to hold the mantle to the hearts of young Malays.

The approach that UMNO, and especially UMNO Youth must take, is organizing events and initiatives that fill the void for young Malay professionals and students who are politically aware but have few opportunities from which to get involved directly with political parties’ programs.

For the longest of times, UMNO Youth – at all levels – has been almost exclusively reliant on traditional programs and events to account for its activities. Chief amongst these are sports events – the mainstays are sepak takraw, football, and more recently futsal. You would be hard pressed to find a single week in the year where there isn’t an UMNO Youth division somewhere in this country hosting a football tournament. Then of course, the ‘compulsory’ programs – the two Hari Raya celebrations, break of fast sessions, and all manner of events marking religious holidays – tend to make up the rest of the agenda calendar. Whilst turnout can often be impressive – especially if a senior party figure attends the program – often the same people are seen at these functions. Needless to say, this does not bode well with the effort of winning over new voters – nevermind the fact that even those ‘retained’ as a result of this phenomenon are UMNO members, active followers or hangers-ons who were always going to vote Barisan anyway.

Seminars, workshops or even assistance to flood victims are great ways to fulfil the community service requirement within UMNO’s political handbook. And they shall always be regarded as bread and butter initiatives so long as the respective issues remain existent in the Malay community – lack of education, absence of entrepreneurial culture, and monsoon seasons continue to haunt Malays. In areas like these, UMNO Youth shows great commitment and boasts a good track record, especially in rural areas where opportunities are few and far between.

However, these efforts, essential as they are, hardly contribute towards making UMNO more attractive to the sections of society which have made it a habit to shut the party out. Amongst young professionals and students, there is an inertia to swallow much of what UMNO, says or does – analogous of the barriers to entry faced by cigarette and alcohol brands – which makes it impossible to engage them through UMNO’s conventional political language and action. UMNO is suffering from a perception-deficit, and, contrary to popular belief amongst UMNO circles, it is not merely down to perceived corruption, excesses and arrogance. Instead, the image problem that UMNO suffers also has much to do with the fact that many young people simply cannot identify with its activities, collective peculiar mannerisms and exclusivist styles. A comprehensive re-look at its image is called for.

As such, taking a leaf from the business world where similar challenges are faced, UMNO Youth – charged with winning over young voters – must be creative in introducing more unconventional programs under the UMNO banner to show that it is much more than a party of linen-clad middle aged men who walk with an almost uniform swagger. Instead of shoving ideology down young professional’s throats, UMNO Youth must be clever enough to use the back door approach by holding programs with content that appeal to this group as a means to ‘advertise’ what UMNO is all about. Traditional programs that glorify UMNO and its history simply do not work anymore. Brave and interesting forums that bring together world leaders, or even entertainment events which can guarantee crowds in the thousands – these are but examples of programs that can be couched as part of the new UMNO Youth approach. This may sound like an oxymoron, but it wouldn’t be politics if we just did politics.

More than plain backdoor approach towards engaging young people, UMNO Youth must also assist in engineering new ideas on matters relating to nation-building which exist aplenty amongst the younger population. Activities, public pronouncements and policy proposals traditionally made by non-political youth movements need to make a comeback, and here, too, UMNO Youth can contribute. On one end of the spectrum, Belia 4B has a vast network which, however, caters to a similar constituency as UMNO Youth. On the other rests various decidedly pro-Opposition youth movements which speak the same language that Pakatan Rakyat leaders do. Therefore, the onus is on UMNO Youth to populate the space that currently exists – of undecided youths who want a say in the direction this country takes. The wing should cultivate a network of professionals and bright graduates, giving them the room to voice opinions and discuss all manner of issues pertaining to national development.

To have any chance of capturing support of the new generation from the Opposition, UMNO Youth must teach itself to excite voters, and not expect the latter to come to accept its ways. What better way to undergo a makeover than coming up with exciting programs which challenge limitations to positive effect, at once redrawing the boundaries of what UMNO Youth supposedly represents.

Results may not be instantaneous, but at the very least, people will appreciate the fact that for all of its flaws, UMNO Youth can straddle different worlds without being hypocritical – it can be fiercely committed to its political struggle to advance the Malays, yet still be relevant to the wants of its constituents.

PAS and the Chinese community

2009-09-04T11:38:00.002+08:00

The results of Permatang Pasir by-election which saw PAS retain the seat with its sizeable majority intact exposes certain voting patterns which speak more of people’s dislike for BN than any active favouritism for Pakatan Rakyat, or at least, PAS.

This is especially so in the case of ethnic Chinese voters, which made up over a quarter of the total voting population in Permatang Pasir. With the ethnic Malay vote likely split between BN and PAS, the latter could not have won in the way it did without garnering most of the Chinese votes – in fact, analysis of the ballot boxes or “peti undi” in the by-election showed that the PAS candidate won handsomely in Chinese-dominated areas.

To be sure, this pattern is a continuation of what the country saw in the General Elections March last year where for the first time, ethnic Malays went out in large numbers to vote for DAP and Chinese equally so for PAS. I believe more than anything else, political players from both sides of the aisle were surprised at this development and sought, and still seek, to explain it by highlighting various possibilities, anecdotes and theories – but they all boil down to the fact that the voters’ dislike for BN is far larger than any like for PR. In other words, the Chinese who voted for PAS were and for the moment, are, willing to look past PAS’s shortcomings so long as it means kicking BN out. The unholy alliance is exactly that - gravitation towards PR isn’t based on any unity in values, but in loathing for BN. My contention is that this is simply not sustainable – sooner or later PAS’s values will appear too extreme to ethnic Chinese.

I know that some will level the charge that this appears as another instance of a BN supporter greeting an apparent peculiarity with characteristic ignorance and arrogance. I assure you it is not. I am aware of BN’s many weaknesses, but it is also important for ethnic Chinese to realize what PAS is really all about. This is beyond the fact that PR is not coherent; this is about PAS forwarding a vision of the country that is completely at odds with multicultural citizenship, as we know it.

With its religious dogmatism and insistence on an Islamist state, the Chinese community would do well to remember that PAS will always be PAS, and all things considered, it has much more to lose if PAS’s policies were to come into force than what is actually in practice under a BN government.

Outright support for the on again-off again-on again Kartika caning, opposition to almost all concerts of bands from the “evil” West and other instances all point to PAS’s inner being, one that suggests it will always insist for an Islamist state – through Hudud and other measures that may use the name of Islam to threaten even the most basic element of democracy like electing one’s own leader.

The Chinese community knows these. And beyond their dislike for UMNO, I believe they reason they are prepared to cast a vote to someone from a party who would readily interfere in their way of life is because they believe PAS will never be the dominant member of a prospective PR Federal Government. But as time passes PAS leaders are slowly beginning to voice out in public the party opinion of national issues due to pressure from the grassroots. PAS will not want to be seen to kowtow to DAP and I suspect will increasingly show its less-tolerant stripes.

I know this thesis on PAS may appear rich in light of some events that have transpired which show elements within UMNO taking an intolerant stance. But let there be no mistake, PAS's sudden embrace of non-Muslims is little more than a smokescreen designed to seize Federal power, after which it will most definitely unleash the fruits of fundamentalism, which incidentally also lead them to denounce fellow Muslims within UMNO as 'kafirs' - so why should non-Muslims with their 'kafir' - and I use this term with all respect to my non-Muslim brothers and sisters - way of life feel the least bit secure about PAS in power at the federal level?

Here, it is especially pertinent to remind ourselves that beneath the kumbaya-Erdogan-Husam-ist face, PAS is at its core anti-system, filled by hardcore Islamists whose political consciousness is built from the fringes of society through education from "sekolah pondok" and misguided (and misguiding) "madrasahs" that preach Talibanistic decided intolerance of the 'infidels' and the infidel's way of life. These are individuals who genuinely believe it is their duty on earth to cleanse the world of the sins of man's immortality - so they won't think twice about sacrificing "rights" or "democracy" or even changing the Constitution to allow for primacy of Hudud laws in serving their "Godly duties". In its hearts of hearts, PAS is not mainstream - it doesn't come from the mainstream neither does it advocate ideals that are mainstream - and all moderate Malaysians who want a future based on justice, fairness and equality would do well to reconsider voting for Pakatan if it still has PAS in it. BN, at least, can be persuaded to change, whether through genuine design or through the necessity to recapture votes. But PAS on the other hand, is dogmatic. It will not change.

All said, ethnic Chinese voters must wake up to the reality that PAS poses a problem not only to UMNO but to all Malaysians who want to defend the fundamentals of a country that we know will cater to all Malaysians without imposing too much our beliefs of what is right and wrong on other people who may not share out faith. If the community continues to support PAS simply to get back at BN, it will be committing a grave error.

Food politics

2009-08-18T02:32:00.004+08:00

My recent trip to Indonesia jogged some thoughts I had about certain policies employed in our capital city of Kuala Lumpur – specifically, those that affect street food vendors (penjaja).

Whilst Jakarta bustles with the heightened economic activity garnered from simple, cheap and delicious street food – most of which is clean enough for the “Mat Sallehs” – Kuala Lumpur is increasingly limiting itself to hawker centres and food courts which are both quantitatively and qualitatively distinct from days gone by when food was abundant on the streets of KL.

With the introduction of the policy of “penjaja sifar” in KL – and increasingly in other states like Pulau Pinang and Selangor – vendors are forced to apply for permits and licences to operate in food courts which are not nearly as popular as if placed along the streets off Jalan Sultan Ismail (read: Kampung Baru) or Jalan Ampang. In fact, if one were to go to Kota Damansara and Bangsar hawker centres, they are close to empty even during weekends. First and foremost, cleanliness, whilst an important requirement, is not guaranteed by limiting food outlets to within enclosed physical buildings – those who have seen kitchen in some hotels will testify to that. Conversely, street food often does not upset one’s bowels post-consumption.

Most unfortunately, these aforementioned licences are often scarce, reflecting the limited number of physical buildings the council can ever make available as food courts ala Rasta or Hartamas Square. Thus, we witness a huge employment displacement amongst principally low
income Malay and Indian city dwellers as many lose their source of income, needlessly so as anecdotal evidence suggests demand for cheap street food is as high as ever.

And when the council(s) do allow for street vendors to operate, they are limited to once-a-week night markets and 30-days-a-year buka puasa stalls which cannot possibly amount to much more than a side-business. As a result, eating out on the cheap is now increasingly synonymous
with “mamak” food, which are little more than glorified low-market restaurants. On this point too, we see that moving previously street vendors into “medan selera” (hawker food courts) defeats the purpose in more ways than one. The ones (un)lucky enough to get a spot in
these places realize soon enough that the number of customers drop, due partly to the increased food prices inevitable as a result of erstwhile non-existent rent and the necessity to keep prices
consistent when operating in a centre housing multiple hawker operators. In the end, neither the customer nor the operator wins.

I suspect when the Government and the councils decided to push through this zero tolerance approach to street vendors, they felt it justifiable by the argument that the character of the city were being compromised by the presence of street vendors and squatter areas (setinggan). Here is where the politics came in - authentic street food was replaced by arranged, organised food outlets that lose their character.

At best, I believe the Government made the error of putting both these distinct aspects – squatter areas and street food – under one category of “undesirables”. Whilst squatter areas don’t present the most pleasant sight, street vendors should be a celebrated dimension to
city life and character. It should be advertised as part of the Malaysian urban experience, and not relegated to the fringes, as though it is something we need to hide. Even on the Asian Food Channel (AFC), we see countries like Vietnam, Cambodia, The Philippines, Thailand and almost all other South-East Asian countries depict their street foods as an essential part of their culture. Here too, food is seen as something passed down through the ages – cendol, koay teow et
al – nothing less than our heritage. So why limit their exposure simply for the sake of superficial niceties?

To be sure, I am not promoting that we transform the entire city into booths, huts and hawker stalls – merely to designate certain areas to meet both the demand for, and supply of street food. Enforcement will also need to be heightened to ensure that food is prepared with utmost
care and hygiene. I am hopeful that this is one of the many creative ways for us to achieve multiple goals simultaneously – unemployment, crime, inflation and economic advancement for low-income city folk. If anything, that should be the politics of food - not to stuff
everything into a tiny space to emulate Singapore.

My Thoughts on PPSMI

2009-06-29T02:55:00.001+08:00

The debate on the teaching of Science and Mathematics in English
(PPSMI) has raged on for years now, and it appears that the Government
finally going to take a clear stance either way. Latched on to by
political parties, fervent NGOs and the general public at large, this
issue has seen many Malaysians holding a firm opinion – splitting us
right in the middle – making this issue what abortion is to America.

With such politicisation, rationality sometimes takes a backseat.
Problems that have cropped up are exclusively due to
implementation shortcomings, and for that PPSMI may have to be
‘postponed’ but it should never be written off completely.

Allow me to explain my position. First in our minds when thinking of
the future is the fact that we cannot isolate Malaysia or Malays –
whom many wrongly single out as the biggest losers of PPSMI – from the
world. Be it the agendum of obtaining wholesome education or
increasing economic competitiveness, mastery of English is essential.
As it is, we are already being overly-dependent on foreign workers.
They may be at present populating low-paying jobs, but indications
show that if we are nonchalant about our own worker productivity,
locals will rapidly lose value in the eyes of employers. For example,
in the service sector – one that offers hardly ‘odd-jobs’ and will
increasingly dominate our GDP-share – is already seeing an influx of
foreign labour for little other reason that that they can converse in
English better than locals (read: Malays). This is part of a
long-established trend where transnational corporations are simply not
employing graduates and workers who are not proficient in English.
Problem is, whilst before we could insulate our economic activity at
relatively great lengths, today we rely on the international economy
in ways previously unimaginable, doubling the importance of speaking
the international language.

In other words we must understand that in a globalised and borderless
economic system, the unspoken principle of Social Darwinism is taking
a foothold. Thus, with English being so central to long-term success and
competitiveness, we are left with little choice but to ramp up the
quality of English amongst the general populace. There is nothing more
important than staying connected with the rest of the world, as only
by making sure we are linked with the different agents in the system
that is the international community can we hope to make progress and
avoid missing the boat.

Considering the urgency of the task at hand, Malaysians being what
they are, need to be subjected the ‘shock doctrine’.
But as foreshadowed earlier, the structure and institutional setup to
make PPSMI work, have not been what they needed to be. For PPSMI to
really work, there needs to be a serious relook at the courses for
Bachelor of Education and Teaching English as a Second Language (TESL)
and a revamp of the Postgraduate Teaching Course (KPLI). Evidently,
local universities have failed to produce teachers adequately able to
educate schoolchildren from different backgrounds who have differing
levels of proficiency in English to begin with. As for existing
teachers who have done much to educate our young, the Government
should also set up and institute for them to increase their own
proficiency in English.

I am not ignorant of the fact that these measures take time to yield
effect, and this has been the Achilles heel of PPSMI. But in the
meantime, the curriculum should be tweaked to introduce a softer
approach to the issue by teaching ‘lighter’ subjects like Music, PE
and Art in English in primary school, which will hopefully result in
us having a generation of educators battle ready for PPSMI as they
would have much better control over the language and confidence.
Recruiting retired English teachers is also a step to make our
education system English-friendly – their presence would also help
more junior teachers learn the ropes.

As for the linguistic nationalists out there, Bahasa Malaysia will
always be the national language and will still be very prominent as a
medium of instruction and as a subject if only we could be
enthusiastic enough to introduce a more holistic content. Bahasa
Malaysia is a rich language that is arguably glossed over by not
giving sufficient attention to Malay literature (sastera) and its contemporary
usage. A simple measure such as merging Malay literature and BM into
one subject taught from primary to secondary would be a step in the
right direction. Here, the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage must
play a role too to ensure that Bahasa Malaysia in its capacity as a
major Malay cultural capital does not dissipate or find appreciation
in it diluted. Furthermore, subjects such as History, Trade,
Economics, Geography, and of course Agama Islam, as well as vocational
subjects will remain taught in BM. Fundamentally, there should not be
any doubt that a system of dual language in education can work just
fine - countries like Singapore and the Netherlands have proven that
it is no barrier to economic progress.

It is high time we quit lying to our own people about what is good for
them. For certain subjects, English is essential and teaching them in
any other language would mean not teaching them properly at all.
Regardless of whether we view education as being for education’s sake
or for national economic returns, English must be more prominent in
the education system – PPSMI, even if discontinued this year, must
return sometime in the near future once our institutions are ready for
it.

PAS Elections: A struggle for the party’s conscience

2009-06-02T00:22:00.000+08:00

I distinctly remember, in the leadup to the Umno Elections, an analyst
in a mainstream newspaper writing that the contests were one for the
conscience of the party, as much as for positions. Whilst I do not
deny that the Assembly in March staged hallmark elections for a party
facing the largest challenge ever to its political dominance, one can
scarcely find any indication that the contests were reflections of an
ideological divide. The only prospective similarity between the two
events is the allegations of money politics.

In Umno, when the candidates stood against each other, they
were voted for based on the perceived relative abilities, and not
because they symbolised distinct, mutually exclusive ideologies –
parties within a party, if you like.

The same cannot be said of the upcoming PAS Elections. As the junior
partner in the makeshift Pakatan Rakyat coalition, PAS as a party
appears to be much less comfortable with the changes to the political
scene compared to its PR comrades. It is almost as though that now it
finds itself, as some say, on the cusp of power, the party is confused
and riddled with internal disagreements about how exactly to go about
things.

Nowhere is this more apparent than the three-way contest for the post
of Deputy President, between incumbent Nasharuddin Mat Isa, Husam
Musa, and Mat Sabu. The important subscript to this contest is that it
is viewed as an internal referendum on two factions: those aligned to
the pro-muqabalah and those inclined to the pro-Pakatan Rakyat Erdogan
group. Crucially, this proxy battle is really not about a battle
between individuals or personalities; it is instead a genuine battle
of ideas. Thus, there is no mistaking the ideological rift within PAS,
a problem on a scale non-existent within Umno since its founding
father Dato’ Onn Jaafar wanted to open Umno up to non-Malays.

Notwithstanding the internal rift, Should Nasharuddin win as expected,
it would signal a PAS still significantly resistant to the unholy
trinity with DAP and PKR. The Anwar-chum Husam, on the other hand, is
fighting for his political survival in PAS, with an unlikely victory
certainly spelling a more coherent Pakatan Rakyat under the de facto
leadership of Anwar, much to Umno’s annoyance. But if the result of
the Youth Head post is anything to go by, conservatives within the
party appear adamant to remain in it comfort zone – one synonymous
with ulama, Islamist and Malay. The new head Nasaruddin Tantawi is as
conservative as they come – best described as the PAS version of a
Khir Toyo had the latter won the post of Umno Youth Chief. The depth
of the aforementioned ideological split is reflected by the recent
cynical remark by Nasaruddin who told Husam to run for the Presidency
to ‘correct’ the party – the implication being that Husam is viewed by
the muqabalah faction as a radical element dangerous to the purity of
the party’s conscience. In the sphere of reapolitik, the fact that
Husam is out of favour with PAS Youth would also mean that should he
lose in the contest, Anwar will likely have no qualms about leaving
him for dead - the latter will not support an individual who cannot
promise the voting bloc amongst the PAS-inclined younger generation.

There is thus no overstating the gravity of the choice facing the PAS
delegates during the Muktamar. For them, it is not about who can do
the job better. It is about who symbolises what, and this in and of
itself suggests PAS is a party ill at ease with itself.

Silver Haze

2009-05-19T18:55:00.000+08:00

The brouhaha about snap elections, and who is the real MB, belies the
fact that there are real problems with the Pakatan leadership in
Perak. The traditional voters still have a disdain for the DAP, whom
they voted merely due to the negative factor of wanting to protest
towards the BN.

In under a year of Pakatan rule, traditional Malay voters - still a
significant bloc - have learnt that Pakatan is decidedly pro-Chinese
and not even subtly so. Many cannot get over the fact that the state
government awarded a 999 year lease to Chinese-owned land with no
reciprocal measures in Malay areas. Arguably for the first time in our
polics, it is not a matter of Malays being jealous or extremely
guarded whenever steps are taken to assist non Malays, it is really an
issue of Malays being marginalised.

The pulse of Perak - the civil servants, district councilmen - who
experience first-hand the governance style of Pakatan, realise that
the power behind the throne (read: Nizar) is the two arrogant,
manipulative and conniving cousins Ngah and Ngeh. Evidence from
numerous examples indicate that, the Palace too, who early on were
happy to give Pakatan a chance, is now fed up of the effective
subordination of The Mentri Besar to the DAP.

In the end, the public is blinded by a systemic misinformation trying
to frame the drama in Perak as the democratic rakyat-serving Pakatan
vs the power-crazed Umno/BN. When in truth, this strategy is nothing
more than a clouding of Pakatan's inefficient and unjust rule.

All about the youth

2009-02-18T19:11:00.000+08:00

With just over 30 days to the National UMNO Elections, the contests for posts from Deputy President to the last Puteri Exco seat are heating up. But for many, one to particularly watch out for is that for Youth Head of the party.

Amongst the three candidates vying for the prize that has been occupied by no less a figure than incoming President Dato' Seri Najib Tun Razak, one individual stands out through his age, character and campaign platform.

Khairy Jamaluddin has just turned 33, and is the only candidate under the age of 40. Some have said that this fact may not be relevant for UMNO Youth, seeing as to how the wing has traditionally been headed by persons over 40. But recent trends suggest that there has been a substantive change in how the party is perceived by younger voters – a change that calls for, among others, a generational rejuvenation. Without this generational shift in the leadership of UMNO Youth, then clearly the thirst for change have yet to reach the doors of the wing.

Some elaboration is necessary. Khairy has on occasions argued that it takes a youth to bestunderstand the aspirations and concerns of the below-40 segment. Whilst this may be a valid argument, it does not capture the more fundamental need to move away from the generation of outgoing Youth Head Dato' Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein – Hishammuddin has done much to rebuild the wing from the ashes of 1999 but the demands of the day require a new approach to how UMNO Youth operates. A young face would send all the right signals to the younger generation that UMNO is serious in rebranding itself to becoming a party that no longer preaches to the youth, but elevates one of them. The slogan Pemuda untuk Pemuda is thus, quite fitting.

They say age is just a number; at least in this case though, Khairy's non-political personality and character exudes youth-ness puts some doubt into that cliché. Having a penchant for contemporary music, football and even fashion, he represents much of what UMNO Youth should look like if it intends to woo the post-Merdeka generation of young voters who yearn for a movement they can identify with. Who else in the race but Khairy can even come close to being 'one of us'?

But perhaps what encapsulates Khairy's synonymy with Malaysia's youth is his campaign message of inclusivity and empathy. Tired of years of zero-sum, communal-centric politics of confrontation, Khairy's"Setiakawan" message promises to bring about a radical shift in the UMNO Youth narrative, a movement traditionally associated with being the right-wing conscience of the larger party. Voting figures show that chest-thumping Malay ultraism simply will not work anymore amongst young Malaysians who have grown up in relative peace and prosperity; UMNO Youth under the helm of Khairy will stand a better chance of recapturing the imagination of young Malaysians who have no guilt for feeling Malaysian first and foremost, or for sanctifying the ideals of justice and democracy. This last point was best demonstrated during the program Hujah at Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka on 18 February when Khairy stuck to a centrist position on matters such as ISA and race relations whereas the two other candidates competed with one another to portray a traditional ultra Malay face. Khairy also displayed maturity in his critique of the government – defending the institution's fundamental strengths whilst acknowledging there was room for improvement vis a vis implementation of policies. Such sophistication was lacking in both other candidates who felt no shame in slamming UMNO, BN and the Government on national television.

This contest is no less than a contest for the party's future. The delegates must wise up to the reality that UMNO no longer commands the support of the majority of under-40s and elect the man with the right age and right message to ensure UMNO's survival.

Pakatan Hypocrisy, like a stick in the mud.

2009-02-12T22:54:00.000+08:00

The takeover of the Perak State Government by the Barisan Nasional has exposed many things: the value of stealth in politics, the political operator in Prime Minister-to-be Dato' Seri Najib Tun Razak, but most of all, the hypocrisy within the Pakatan Rakyat ranks.

One would have thought that a coalition fashioning itself as a credible alternative to the current Government would bite the bullet and accept that after an extended honeymoon since the 12th General Elections, it was finally outdone in this battle. That Pakatan's figurehead Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim indulged in months of trumpeting September 16th and the toppling of the Federal Government via defections by Barisan Parliamentarians surely made what transpired in Perak all the more painful to swallow.

Instead of pondering about where its missteps have been, Pakatan has cried foul over a legitimate grab – a paradox it may be, but a legitimate government is a government nonetheless. And whilst the Pakatan crowd have been incessantly calling for there to be a special sitting of the State Assembly to unseat the (former) Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaludin, claiming that the Sultan of Perak has no power to decree that Nizar and his EXCO resign, it is useful to note that had Anwar Ibrahim obtained the magic number of 30 defectors in Parliament, he would merely have to seek an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to prove to the latter that he has the confidence of the majority of Parliamentarians – Anwar himself hinted on more than one occasion that that was precisely what he intended to do!

The above, can still of course be described as a necessary political positioning – though it does show Pakatan to be no better than what it accuses Barisan of. What is most troubling and most irresponsible is the Pakatan's hypocrisy with regards to the power and role of the monarchy. If during the BERSIH demonstrations – and the circus that followed it – they were more than willing to fake having the tacit support of the monarchy, it is simply inconsistent for them to now criticise the Sultan for utilising His Highness's 'reserve' political (and constitutional) power. If during the Idris Jusoh – Ahmad Said controversy in Terengganu Pakatan members were championing the right of the Sultan with glee as the Prime Minister was humiliated, how is it that they find it fit to question the right of the Sultan to declare a government fallen? Regardless, Nizar's refusal to yield to the Sultan's decree is plainly an act of trampling upon the the institution of Malay Rulers and with that, very legitimate and understandable Malay sensitivities. It isarguably this extreme posturing that has led even UMNO leaders like Khairy Jamaluddin; some what ill at ease with the manner in which Perak was won, to call for Nizar to be banished. Unorthodox perhaps – when has Khairy been anything otherwise? – but the point to be made is that what ever grievances Pakatan may have with what has transpired, it must never channel it in ways that convey disrespect to the Sultan. Certain things are meant to be beyond the sphere of political gamesmanship.

And at the very least, in Barisan there are the likes of Khairy, Tengku Razaleigh and even Tun Dr. Mahathir – three individuals hardly in love with one another – that make their discomfort with defections quite clear and public. The public will ultimately decide whether what Barisan did was politically wise – democracy always decides, in the end. But until Perak is again put to the vote, Pakatan will have to eat some humble pie and back down from their position of extreme hypocrisy that threatens to drag the monarchy further into the mix of what is already a vicious environment.

Malaysia Expects

2008-11-27T23:47:00.001+08:00

Many detractors are pre-empting the career demise of national coach B Sathianathan after the loss in the final of the Merdeka Cup and then against Myanmar recently in the semi-finals of the Royal Grand Challenge. Nonetheless, I hold that it still early days; it is worth remembering that B. Sathianathan took over from Norizan Bakar who was responsible for the disastrous outing in the AFC Cup October last year. Despite his experience in local football, Norizan had the same problem Louis van Gaal had with the Dutch team circa 2002 - he never gained the respect of the changing room. B Sathianathan on the other hand, is a talismanic figure, if not a fatherly one, in the eyes of star players like the twins, Azi Shahril, Subramaniam, Daudso Jamaluddin, Syed Adney and most in the team.

A rebuilding process also means injecting experience into the team that Rajagopal handed over to Sathia. Part of this process was the experience the players received when the team traveled to the UK and did well against the Manchester United Academy team and Stoke City. Simultaneously, this process also took the shape of the re-inclusion of in-form seniors who many wrote off after the AFC debacle - players like Shukor Adan and Zamani Misbah, before slowly reintroducing flair player Indraputra, ex-captain Khaironisam, overlapping leftback Irwan Fadli and the football journey man Nizaruddin Yusop. However many commenters and the football chattering classes are still not convinced that these senior players will add any value. The jury is still out with regards to the 2nd phase senior inclusions.

More recently, there have been other indications of progress to be proud of. The match against Chelsea displayed the tactical maturity especially in the 1st half when the team stuck to the gameplan, and then in the Merdeka tournament showed the goalscoring vein of form, bar the finals of course.

As such, Sathia is the right man to rebuild the national team simply because he knows the psychiological and physical limitations of the players. And this man is not shy of discipline and determination either. He turns up at almost all the local league matches from coast to coast and draws inspiration and opinions from coaches, players, administrators and fans alike. In the high stakes game of of top flight football management, musical chairs and merry go rounds are common occurences. Like Arsenal however, we have to keep the faith with our own Monsieur Wenger. Malaysian's simply have to be patient to move ahead internationally and not forsake the house that Jack built.

The appetite for a regional trophy can only be fulfilled only if the fundamentals are there. We certainly have the talent as we can observe in the Harimau Muda squad which fields exceptional players like Fakhri, Hairiri, Gurusamy and Tan Yang Wei. Not to forget Bunyamin Umar , Farig Rashid and Azrol Azmi who has made National junior appearances and still manages to turn up for MyTeam on the weekends.

The National Team will never lose its traction in the hearts of Malaysians, and just maybe, the AFF Suzuki Cup could be the turning point for Malaysian football. Hardcore football supporters like harimau malaya.com and Kelab Penyokong Selangor have all made plans to the trip up north. Come 6 December Malaysia V Laos, all Malaysians will hold thier breaths, waiting for the goal net to rattle with Safee Sali celebrating with the other boys in tow. Cometh the hour, cometh the man.

Football is Politics

2008-11-17T19:55:00.000+08:00

Over the past years, the state of Malaysian football has been
increasingly under scrutiny. With local league attendances dipping at an alarming rate and the quality on the pitch following suit, such fears appear justified.

The popular consensus is that in Malaysia, sports, and football in particular, should be free of politics. On the surface of it, this notion seems reasonable enough. Upon closer inspection however, the
notion appears to not hold water.

First things first, State FAs' financial constraints and their lack of fund-raising knowhow mean that 'grassroots' football have not been cultivated to its full potential. For example, we have yet to find an answer to the UK's Sunday (amateur) League football for children to develop their skills and further make the sport a part of their upbringing.

The impact of such limitations is not hard to figure out. Most immediately apparent is the small pool of young players from which to work on. The lack of a junior league means that schoolchildren play on average only three to five competitive matches in a season – a Dutch Football Association study concluded that as many as 35 matches are
needed for players aged 12-16 to best develop their talents and learn the subtleties of teamwork and match discipline.

The state of Malaysian football is not only under threat from within with weak institutions but also unwittingly from TV sets has made a good outing on a Saturday night in the stands of Shah Alam Stadium replaced by sitting on a stool in a mamak stall watching the EPL. It astounded me when I asked my younger brother recently to come see the national team play in the AFC recently and he replied that he would
rather watch the Merseyside derby. And get this: he is a Chelsea fan.

And herein lies an indication that despite the failings of our local scene, Malaysia is, without doubt, a footballing nation. Malaysian football fans would know the likes of Zbigniew Boniek (of Juve fame)
on top of the universal household names like that boy Cristiano.

So how do we ensure that a footballing nation like ours can go local too, ushering a return to the glory days of the 80s and early 90s when
stands were filled week in week out? As foreshadowed, it would be too easy to blame politics and politicking for the state that local
football is in. As it is, let's briefly examine the relationship between football and politics.

Football and state patriotism is relative, and much of state building hinges on football. It was state patriotism or state-ism, if you like,
that drove the passion in the 80s. It remains the same today, although manifested slightly differently. For example Kedah won 2 triple titles back to back under an UMNO govt and they packed down a crowd of 20,000 every weekend. However, the top footballing states are now governed by opposition, Selangor, Perak and Kedah. It was mad to see PKR flags and
PAS regalia at Kedah away matches till FAM had to ban political paraphenelia to the stadiums.

Thus it seems that politics and football will be difficult to separate. In any case, politics is what moves the sport and to get into those positions a lot of politics becomes necessary. One only has to recall Sepp Blatter usurping Havalange for the post of FIFA President or the Platini UEFA campaign that leagues must give prominence to local players then imports to see this. In our context
then, there needs to be a readiness to allow politics and politicians to be involved in the institutions of the sport, so long as they do so
to the benefit of the shared agenda: the advancement of Malaysian football.

And to be sure, this phenomenon in Malaysian football is not unique.The Glasgow derby has always and will continue to be laced in
sectarian undertones. I recall vividly Gascoigne's Protestant"s Orange
Order's flute taunting the Catholic Celtic fans in 1998.

Further examples include,

1)Red Star Belgrade in the old Yugoslavia who have Serbian
Paramilitary connections.

2)Boca Juniors as the "people's Club", based in the slums of Buones Aires; contrasted with River Plate known as the Los Millionares or the rich man's club

3)The history of Lazio v Roma:
Lazio Ultras- Neo Nazi il facisti fans that reside in the Curva Nord (Nothern Curve) and Mussolini's football club – contrasted with Roma,
a communist working class club. Roma has slowly gathered a more affluent social following with more glamorous players, whilst Lazio is
on the outskirts of Rome and are now synonymous as the right wing working class club.

Football is politics.

Travesty!

2008-11-10T18:29:00.000+08:00

Credible sources have informed me that Bukit Lanjan Assemblywoman and Selangor State EXCO member for Tourism and Environment YB Elizabeth Wong wrote a letter to the Mayor of Majlis Bandaraya Petaling Jaya (MBPJ) ordering that the 85 acres gazetted for a Muslim burial ground be revoked. Instead, the State government has decided to only allocate 22 acres. The land in question is located in Section 9 Kota Damansara, within the Subang Parliamentary constituency.

I find this decision to be absurd and insensitive. It astounds me that YB Elizabeth did not think that such an act – if made public, as it should – would draw negative and possibly dangerously angry responses from the Malay-Muslim community. But my disappointment and frustration in YB Elizabeth is superseded by my regret and sorrow that the Mentri Besar of Selangor, a Malay and a Muslim, would allow such a travesty to occur.

It is further exasperating that the decision to revoke the 85 acres and only award 22 was said to be made to allow for a botany park instead. Why on Earth does the Selangor State Government thinks it fit that a botany park necessitates trampling upon racial and religious sensitivities? As anyone who has been in the area would testify, there are already ample parks and many strip malls conducive for modern day living.

YB Elizabeth Wong, Mentri Besar YAB Khalid Ibrahim and the entire State Government must ensure that this decision is reversed and the initial awarding of 85 acres for the Muslim cemetery is reinstated. Nothing touches Muslims’ nerves than when even land for the dead is messed with.

Off The Bench, Into The Battle

2008-11-07T15:30:00.000+08:00

Assalamualaikum and Hello,
My first entry on this blog will focus on the topic closest to my heart, politics in Malaysia,

After the results of the 12th General Elections, many joined the chorus of pre-empting UMNO's demise, rejoicing in what they saw as a long overdue 'lesson' to the party of government for the past 51 years of nationhood. Riddled with corruption, a feudalistic setting and an insular world-view, UMNO's poor electoral performance was seen as deserved.

But I believe, concurrently there were many individuals who still believed in the fundamental ideology of UMNO, despite all of the party's shortcomings in translating that ideology into action.
Leakages are not merely a matter in economics, it equally affects the manifestation of a struggle, and most would agree that that remains UMNO's biggest problem.

And this is why it is doubly important that UMNO-inclined young Malays who previously remained on the sidelines and fancied themselves as vocal armchair political analysts cum theorists need to rise up and contribute intensely into ensuring UMNO's long term viability. If
these men and women were truly sincere in the belief of UMNO's importance to the advancement of Malays and Malaysians, then they owe it to themselves to engage directly with UMNO towards a shared objective.

Moreover, the participation of young Malays in UMNO is timely as many of their peers have been lost to Opposition parties, especially PKR (PAS has always had its own base). However, UMNO still leads in terms of membership and its network in rural areas – the heartland of the
Malays – is far more established than that of the Opposition.

To be sure, it is also incumbent upon UMNO as an outfit to reach out and win over the hearts of the undecideds. Unfortunately, not all within UMNO seem to be aware of the urgency of this task. That said, a candidate for the post of UMNO Youth Head, Khairy Jamaluddin, appears
to be one of the few who acknowledges the need to capture the unconventional section of the Malay youth. It is also concerting that he accepts even those engagements need to be an educational experience for UMNO – it should never be a lecturing session on why UMNO is the
only party fit to represent Malays.

A party as great as UMNO will never go down without a fight, but it needs substantive change from within to survive, let alone remain in power. This is the party of Tunku Abdul Rahman and other heroes of our Independence. This is the party who despite being faced with multi-racial stakeholders, managed to fork out an intelligently crafted understanding later called the Social Contract, ensuring the fate of Malays remain protected until today. Despite all of its grand
achievements and contributions over the past 51 years, this is a party under siege; it needs YOU to chart its change.

Get off the bench.